Norwegian Woods (OT)

Search
Go

Discussion Topic

Return to Forum List
This thread has been locked
Messages 861 - 880 of total 954 in this topic << First  |  < Previous  |  Show All  |  Next >  |  Last >>
Reilly

Mountain climber
The Other Monrovia- CA
Jan 30, 2019 - 10:09am PT
Why is it the ‘kingsway over all other kingsways’?
And why would the king go way up there? 🤓
Marlow

Sport climber
OSLO
Topic Author's Reply - Jan 30, 2019 - 10:13am PT

One of the points in this well researched book is that the king really to be connected to Mount Dovre is another king than the king now known to be connected. Go read the book... :o)
Marlow

Sport climber
OSLO
Topic Author's Reply - Jan 31, 2019 - 08:44am PT

From Norwegian mythology and nation building: How Norway was finally gathered into one kingdom - it happened at Dovre...


King Harald Hårfagre made lifelong bonds to Jotner and the Sami people. Representatives of both groups had contributed to educate him as king. When Harald had almost gathered Norway into one kingdom, only the Sami people were missing in the alliance. Then it happened that one year he celebrated Christmas at Tofte farm in Dovre. Here he met the Finn King Svåse and his beautiful daughter Snøfrid. She offered the king a bowl of mead. He drank it all and held her hand and immediately he felt like a fire came into his body and he wanted to go to bed with her right away. Her father Svåse didn’t allow him. First he had to marry her. So he did. He loved her so dearly that he forgot the whole kingdom. Four sons were born; Sigurd Rise, Halvdan Hålegg, Godrød Ljome and Ragnvald Rettelbeine. When Snøfrid later died, Harald was inconsolable and mourned for three years before he was again able to start his work as king. He was now King of Norway because through the marriage with Snøfrid he had gathered Norway into one kingdom.

Tofte farm at Dovre is real enough:
Marlow

Sport climber
OSLO
Topic Author's Reply - Jan 31, 2019 - 09:22am PT

Kongevegen (The King Road) crossing Mount Dovre


The road between Dovre and Oppdal has been one of the most important and widely used mountain crossings in Norway. The mountain plateau separates the southern and northern. The physical tracks of the traffic routes can be traced back to the Iron Age and the Middle Ages. People have traveled over the mountains in all times. We find settlement tracks back to the Stone Age at Dovrefjell.

According to the king sagas, the road over Dovrefjell was an “allfarveg” or main road. An «allfarveg” is mentioned in Magnus Lagabøte's national law from 1274, and is here defined as the most significant road being subject to public regulation. In the Middle Ages, however, most roads were more like trails or riding roads.

At present, there's a Kongevegen project in Norway: https://www.kongevegenoverdovrefjell.no/kongevegen/#om-kongevegen

Following the road: https://www.vegvesen.no/_attachment/2164290/



Reilly

Mountain climber
The Other Monrovia- CA
Jan 31, 2019 - 09:54am PT
Fredrik IV skildrer likevel en farefull ferd over Vårstigen, hvor de måtte få hjelp av bøndene i området for å skyve karjolene.

How ‘perilous’ was it if he was riding in buggies? I guess the peril was he would have to
get out and walk if the farmers didn’t push? 😈
Marlow

Sport climber
OSLO
Topic Author's Reply - Jan 31, 2019 - 09:57am PT

Hehe... yes, farmers at Dovre and sherpas at Everest...
Marlow

Sport climber
OSLO
Topic Author's Reply - Feb 1, 2019 - 09:48am PT

Log drivers and the 1930s Randsfjorden conflict with forest owners translated from an article by journalist Terje Valestrand


The conflict between log drivers and forest owners

Fascism opposed communism when Norway's longest labor conflict was fought in the Randsfjord watercourse in Oppland between 1930 and 1936. And connected to the conflict we find Nasjonal Samling (NS) and the nascent Nazism. During the conflict, Torpa kommune chose Norway's only NS Mayor, democratically. For the poorest among the poor, whom the forest workers were called, it was a matter of survival.

From day to day

Specifically, the conflict was about who would work as log drivers in the Dokka and Etna rivers, and at what price. But socially, culturally and politically, in the troubled 30s, it got far larger dimensions. The Randsfjord conflict was characterized by hunger and distress, ideological struggle and armed police against poor families. Log driving happened a few weeks in May, when the rivers went lush enough to be able to transport the timber down to the large lakes and further towards the buyers, who were often industry or sawmills closer to the coast. The log driving was essential for the forest owners, who had to wait a whole year if they did not get the timber out during these weeks. For the workers, this was where they could most effectively go to action to improve their conditions.

Poverty on tender

When the log driving season approached, and the forest owners knew the size of the log, they invited workers to what many considered to be an unworthy show. Different groups of log drivers were asked for a price for driving the log along the different parts of the route. The poorer the people, the cheaper they would do the work. It was poverty and desperation and no solidarity. After all, it was better with a little income than none. Many of the workers had many children and a lot of debt. The daily salary for log driving in Etna / Dokka could be nine NOK. But if the auction was tough, one could come far below that price. The most important thing was to secure a tender. In the spring of 1930, it exploded along the rivers that flow into the Randsfjord. The young Federation of Norwegian Forestry and Labor (hereafter Forestry and Labor) had since the beginning in 1927 recruited more than 90 per cent of the experienced log drivers. Growth was formidable, Forestry and Labor was also marked by the conflict between communists and social democrats. Forest and Land's requirements were to discontinue the tendering scheme and introduce collective agreements, as otherwise in the labor market. The parties met for negotiations at Dokka Hotel on Saturday 15 March. It was here the conflict escalated. The forest owners, both the small and the large, were historical traditionalists, closely connected to their family and "their" peasants and workers. Trade unions and collective agreements were undesirable and seen as unnecessary, it was a communist threat that belonged to the large industry and did not belong to the villages. The forest owners meant this absolutely for the next six years.

Man against man

When the ice melted on the rivers, Forest and Land started a blockade. The forest owners put in what they called "willing people", often young and inexperienced boys who were chased away as strike breakers by the strikers. Already on day two of the conflict police came to the area to help the forest owners. But only four men in uniform could do little. The affected rivers were 130 km long, and the striking log drivers were well organized, wading through snow and slush, blocking the rivers, and chasing away those trying to drive the log. This left bitterness between people on both sides. Families who were previously friends did not speak together. During a party at the Arbeidersamfundet in Fluberg later this year there was a bloody fight, with bottles, stones and the furnace iron. Three men attacked a father and his sons because they had been strike breakers at Tingvoll, where the timber was gathered north in the Randsfjord. "Judas," the striking workers shouted before attacking the father and his sons. In a court case in Hamar in February of the following year, the attackers were sentenced to several months' of imprisonment, NOK 30 in case costs and NOK 150 in compensation to the offended. This was big fines for people who every summer had to dig ditches and drain marshes for the forest owners at a daily salary down to NOK 1.66 "if the terrain was decent", as it was said in the agreements.

Police and dynamite

In the spring of 1931, the actions continued. The forest owners refused to negotiate collective agreements, Forest and Land blocked the rivers. Bitterness grew in pace with poverty. Torpa municipality (now in Northern Land) was very hard hit. Poverty and distress characterized the entire municipality, the municipal care support was cut radically. In other words, the municipality decided that "... contributions must under no circumstances, illness be exempted, paid to persons or their families, who rather increase the difficulties of the village, in any way hinder the performance of others by their lawful work." Striking forest workers should not receive social assistance. This spring, 16 men from the newly created state police were sent to the conflict area. 106 men were organized in this agency which went to action and cleaned up where the local police did not manage the task. The peasant party (Bondepartiet) had the government, and the defense minister was Vidkun Quisling. The state police were best known for their efforts in the Menstad team later that year. In the Randsfjord conflict, they stopped a demonstration of striking workers at Odnes. The protesters were sent back to Dokka. During this action, dynamite was thrown, and exploded without doing any harm. It was an avid striker who threw the dynamite.

... the article continues below...
Marlow

Sport climber
OSLO
Topic Author's Reply - Feb 1, 2019 - 09:50am PT


The hope that burst

At Gjøvik, a mayor had hope, faith and a warm heart. His name was Niels Ødegaard (Arbeiderpartiet) and he became involved early in the conflict. When the police first appeared on the forest owners ' side, Ødegaard wrote a letter to Justice Minister Haakon Evjenth (Venstre): "... I hope, however, that your heart is not completely unaffected by the fact that 700 poor forest workers are in conflict, and that the authorities' power resources are used against the men who are really responsible in this fight, the stubborn river boards ... » The Gjøvik mayor did more. He gathered the parties to a meeting and many believed it would resolve the conflict. One of the participants at this meeting was big farmer and veterinarian Thorstein Fretheim. Ten years later, he was Minister of Agriculture in the Quisling NS government. Both parties signed a protocol that also the workers union LO set itself behind. The conflict was suspended until the forest owners had organized themselves and formulated a common vision and a common strategy. The setting should be ready well in advance of the next season, that is, in the spring of 1932. But it was not. Both then and in retrospect, the Gjøvik Protocol was criticised. Especially because it gave the forest owners a quiet year of operation, but also because Forest and Land gave up control of the Randsfjord waterways. So one waited in anticipation of what the forest owners would come up with. It would be the hope that burst.

"Fascism in Norwegian"

In May 1932, while the season was in progress, the forest owners came up with their proposal. They would resolve the conflict by creating so-called "forestry associations", where owners and workers stood together, without anyone being organized in other associations or federations. Thus, the industry would collectively run its business, undisturbed by professional organizations or employers' associations. "This was the first complete attempt to realize a kind of corporate fascism by Italian pattern," wrote Johan Ødegård (1890-1955) in his book on Forest and Land, where he was both editor and trustee. He was not alone in drawing the parallel of Mussolini's organization of the Italian business community. Particularly among communists and workers 'parties, the forest owners' model was faced with strong reactions. The Finnish anti-Communist Lappo movement was also an inspiration for one side, and a fear for the other side. And now the Randsfjord conflict became a conflict for the entire Randsfjord waterway. In order for the timber to reach its buyers, the industry along the Drammen River, the log had to be towed 80 km from Dokkadeltaet to Jevnaker. There were two companies that had a monopoly on this transport: "Fellesfløtingen" with the tugboat "Oscar II" and "Randsfjordelskapet" with its tow "Trygve". On board, mostly unorganized seamen and peasant sons from Søndre Land worked. This was where the strikers this time would block the transport.

The police was refused food and accommodation

Twice the state police confronted the population of Jevnaker, where all the timber had to be distributed before it was driven down Randselva towards Hønefoss. On May 31, women and children were the victims. Their men had gathered at a strike meeting in the People's House. 60 men from the state police chased people across the bridge, they mounted a machine gun on the slope, but used only clubs and blows. On June 9, it happened again, this time there were 700 civilians chased by the 60 police officers. The state police were so hated in Jevnaker that they could not buy food, and they had nowhere to stay at night. The entire police staff had to be accommodated in the Military Hvalsmoen closer to Hønefoss. The day after the conflicts at Jevnaker, the newspaper Aftenposten wrote: "The state police have shown forceful and correct behavior and have put themselves in the respect of these troublemakers.”

Quisling moves in

On March 3, 1933, the Peasant Party (Bondepartiet) government fell, and Vidkun Quisling's time as Defense Minister was over. Two months later, he founded his own party, National Samling (NS). The party's first county group came in Oppland, where the Randsfjord conflict raged for the third year. Over many parts of the region, "forestry associations" were created, which the forest owners had proposed, and many workers joined. "Now Forest and Land is a fairy tale," wrote the newspaper Vestopland, which was the farmer's newspaper. Quisling went on several tours to villages with mixed success. At a meeting in Søndre Land, the local Labor Party had invited 400 spectators, who shouted when Quisling repeatedly tried to start his speech with "Norwegian women and men ..." Finally he gave up. A man was fined 50 kroner for leading the rebellion. His fine was covered by the workers' association. In the crisis-affected municipality of Torpa, NS had greater success. At the municipal elections in 1934, large-scale farmer Arve Frøisland was elected Norway's first and only NS mayor, supported by Bondepartiet (the Peasant Party) and the Radical Party - a bourgeois labor party that disappeared nationally in 1918, but continued for many years as a municipal party in some counties in Eastern Norway.

Defended in court by Trygve Lie

Stortinget had adopted a boycott law, after pressure from farmers and the business community. The law was proposed by the Peasant Party government and enforced by Venstre (the Liberal Party), which took over. This was now used in several court settlements during the conflict. A profiled NS lawyer, Johan B. Hjort, which was one of the founders of Quisling's party, defended the forest owners. While a rising star in the Labor Party, Trygve Lie, was the unions' defender. He later became Minister several times and eventually the UN's first Secretary General. In the log driving trials there was just as much ideology at play as pure law. The A-press wrote: "Now NS has taken over the management of the Randsfjord conflict". The outcome of these cases was somewhat surprising for the forest owners. The boycott law meant that they could no longer favor workers organized in the forestry associations and keep out the trade unions of Forest and Land. Slowly, the conflict resolved, even though collective tariff agreements still were far from what forest owners wanted. First in the spring of 1936 Dokka Elveforening established an agreement with Forest and Land. Then the last ones followed and collective agreements were established for log drivers and people working in the forest. Six years had then gone since the Randsfjorden conflict started.

Before the Randsfjorden conflict you had the Julussa conflict at Elverum and Rena and there were many similar conflicts in the 1920s and first half of the 1930s...

Gotmar Sletengen who you see below was involved in the Julussa conflict in the late 1920s. The photo is taken later.

Marlow

Sport climber
OSLO
Topic Author's Reply - Feb 1, 2019 - 10:21am PT

My grandfather Martinus worked in the forests of Åsnes in Solør during the 1920s and 1930s. He once told us a story about one time when he went to a forest owner to pick up his wage. Walking up to the house he saw the forest owner through the window. My grandfather took off his hat and the forest owners wife opened the door. He asked for his wage and she answered: "No, you cannot get your wage. My husband is not at home". He had to return without his wage, go to the local grocery and "buy" on "krita" to feed wife and children who waited at home. The debt was noted in a little book. He was not the only one who had to buy on "krita".


My grandfather only told us this story once when I was a young boy, but I remember it to this day, and it has played a part in forming who I am...

Some forest owners treated their workers with respect, other forest owner were known troublemakers, but the forest workers had to take work where work was.
Marlow

Sport climber
OSLO
Topic Author's Reply - Feb 2, 2019 - 09:32am PT

Then it's time to repeat "The ones who built this country" (De som byggde landet) - Mora-Per, Mikael Wiehe and Sofia Karlsson

[Click to View YouTube Video]

Here's a translation of the song:

The ones who built this country (text and music P-E Eriksson)

Five hundred years ago
There was a dream and a land
Miles of forests
For slash and burn…/
With children on the arm
They started walking for something that was better
A sky, towards mountains that were blue /
They ploughed up the land
And put their rye in black-burned forests
As no one had been able to /
They forced stones up from the ground
They put them in piles, they lie here still...

Oh… They were the ones who built the country / …

When grandfather was sixteen
There was a dream of a country
With miles of plains
A prairie that burned /
He went to America
And worked his way up
Sawmills and buildings
Among sawdust, rags and dust /
After twenty years in America
He returned home
With money in his pocket
And a back that was straight /
It was soon after the war
He was going over again
Then he met my grandmother
He stayed, and he is lying here still…

Oh ... / They were the ones who built the country/…

Vito was twenty
The war was over
His land was in ruins
He longed for something else/
No job, no money
He left his village
Took the train up north
An adventure, something new /
There was a country up in the North
With white nights and light
With winters so cold
And red small houses /
They needed his hands
They needed his time
And people who he knew from the village
Had already arrived…

Oh… / They were the ones who built the country/…

I look at the country that was built
I see how much is now being torn down
From the dreams you had
So that some should get more /
This country is ours
We got it from you
We are building this country,
there is room for others ...

Oh ... We are the ones who build this country/…
Reilly

Mountain climber
The Other Monrovia- CA
Feb 2, 2019 - 09:40am PT
Nice pic of farfar and Trond.
Marlow

Sport climber
OSLO
Topic Author's Reply - Feb 2, 2019 - 10:16am PT

When I was 3-4 years old grandfather Martinus used to take me on his arm and carry me out in the stable to Trond with a slice of bread. I loved the bread crust and ate it on the way out, but the rest of the bread Trond got. Good memories...
Marlow

Sport climber
OSLO
Topic Author's Reply - Feb 10, 2019 - 09:53am PT

The European population

Europeans are the descendants of at least three major migrations of prehistoric people. First, a group of hunter-gatherers arrived in Europe about 37,000 years ago. Then, farmers began migrating from Anatolia (a region including present-day Turkey) into Europe 9000 years ago, but they initially didn’t intermingle much with the local hunter-gatherers because they brought their own families with them. Finally, 5000 to 4800 years ago, nomadic herders known as the Yamnaya swept into Europe. They were an early Bronze Age culture that came from the grasslands, or steppes, of modern-day Russia and Ukraine, bringing with them metallurgy and animal herding skills and, possibly, Proto-Indo-European, the mysterious ancestral tongue from which all of today’s 400 Indo-European languages spring. They immediately interbred with local Europeans, who were descendants of both the farmers and hunter-gatherers. Within a few hundred years, the Yamnaya contributed to at least half of central Europeans’ genetic ancestry.

Until about 9,000 years ago, Europe was home to a genetically distinct population of hunter-gatherers. Then, 9,000 to 7,000 years ago, the genetic profiles of the inhabitants in some parts of Europe abruptly changed, acquiring DNA from Near Eastern populations.

Archaeologists have long known that farming practices spread into Europe at the time from Turkey. But the new evidence shows that it wasn’t just the ideas that spread — the farmers did, too.

The hunter-gatherers didn’t disappear, however. They managed to survive in pockets across Europe between the farming communities.

“It’s an amazing cultural process,” said David Reich, a geneticist at Harvard Medical School who led the university’s team. “You have groups which are as genetically distinct as Europeans and East Asians. And they’re living side by side for thousands of years.”

From 7,000 to 5,000 years ago, however, hunter-gatherer DNA began turning up in the genes of European farmers. “There’s a breakdown of these cultural barriers, and they mix,” Dr. Reich said.

About 4,500 years ago, the final piece of Europe’s genetic puzzle fell into place. A new infusion of DNA arrived — one that is still very common in living Europeans, especially in central and northern Europe.

The closest match to this new DNA, both teams of scientists found, comes from skeletons found in Yamnaya graves in western Russia and Ukraine.

Archaeologists have long been fascinated by the Yamnaya, who left behind artifacts on the steppes of western Russia and Ukraine dating from 5,300 to 4,600 years ago. The Yamnaya used horses to manage huge herds of sheep, and followed their livestock across the steppes with wagons full of food and water.

Reilly

Mountain climber
The Other Monrovia- CA
Feb 10, 2019 - 06:09pm PT
Why is Yamnaya feminine yet the Afanasievo is neutral?
Marlow

Sport climber
OSLO
Topic Author's Reply - Feb 11, 2019 - 08:04am PT

Reilly.

That's hard to say.

Upon the name Yamnaya:

The name Yamnaya was given by the archeologists who discovered the culture. They were Russians and named it in Russian: "yamnaya", which means "pitt-grave", after the burial sites that typified this culture and distinguished it from the otherwise similar neighboring "catacomb" (which is again a reference to the burial rites) culture . Now, one question could be if the Russian word Yamnaya shares its etymology with the Vedic Yama.

And, yes, there's a relation. Yama or Yamarāja is a god of death, the south direction, and the underworld, belonging to an early stratum of Rigvedic Hindu deities. In Sanskrit, his name can be interpreted to mean "twin". In the Zend-Avesta of Zoroastrianism, he is called "Yima".
Marlow

Sport climber
OSLO
Topic Author's Reply - Feb 11, 2019 - 08:12am PT

Yamnaya culture
DNA tests indicate that the Yamnaya-people were the result of admixture between two different hunter-gatherer populations: distinctive "Eastern European hunter-gatherers" with high affinity to the Mal'ta-Buret' culture or other, closely related Ancient North Eurasian (ANE) people from Siberia and to Western Hunter Gatherers (WHG) and a population of "Caucasus hunter-gatherers" who probably arrived from somewhere in the Near East, probably the Caucasus or Iran. Each of those two populations contributed about half the Yamnaya DNA.

According to Dr. Andrea Manica of the University of Cambridge they've found that the Yamnaya genetic make-up is a mix of Eastern European hunter-gatherers and a population from a pocket of Caucasus hunter-gatherers who weathered much of the last Ice Age in apparent isolation.

Early Bronze Age men from the vast grasslands of the Eurasian steppe swept into Europe about 5000 years ago—and may have left most women behind. This mostly male migration may have persisted for several generations, sending men into the arms of European women who interbred with them, and leaving a lasting impact on the genomes of living Europeans.

“It looks like males migrating in war, with horses and wagons,” says lead author and population geneticist Mattias Jakobsson of Uppsala University in Sweden.

Eastern Europe and Finland
In the Baltic, Jones et al. (2017) found that the Neolithic transition – the passage from a hunter-gatherer economy to a farming-based economy – coincided with the arrival en masse of individuals with Yamnaya-like ancestry. This is different from what happened in Western and Southern Europe, where the Neolithic transition was caused by a population which came from the Near East, with Pontic steppe ancestry only being detected from the late Neolithic onward.

Per Haak et al. (2015), the Yamnaya contribution in the modern populations of Eastern Europe ranges from 46.8–64.9% among Russians to 42.8% in Ukrainians. Finland has one of the highest Yamnaya contributions in all of Europe (50.4–67.8%)
Marlow

Sport climber
OSLO
Topic Author's Reply - Feb 11, 2019 - 08:52am PT

Mikael Niemi, Koka björn (To Cook a Bear)


“To cook a bear” sees Niemi return once more to his native Tornedalen in Sweden’s Arctic. The story takes place in 1852, in the village of Kengis, where the consequences of a momentous summer reverberate into a sobering autumn. One of its central figures is the Swedish pastor Lars Levi Laestadius, a prominent revivalist, botanist and teetotaller with Sami roots whose legacy Niemi touched on in Popular Music, the novel which brought him fame. Although there are allusions to Milla Clementsdotter, Laestadius’ spiritual muse, and to the Kautokeino rebellion, references to the spread of Laestadianism across Arctic Scandinavia end there. The rest is fiction, adeptly conjured up through Niemi’s powerful, spellbinding writing.

The nexus of the story is the relationship between Laestadius and a Sami foundling boy, barely able to talk, whom he discovers neglected and abused at the wayside. Laestadius names the boy Jussi, and enters his birth retrospectively in the parish register, thereby symbolically bringing him into existence. Over the years the pastor teaches him the power of letters, reading and language, and respect for indigenous Arctic flora. Jussi grows into a young man whose childhood scars and mental demons set him apart. Many villagers fear this otherness, believing him to be a Noaidi, a Sami shaman capable of sorcery.

The prejudices are great, the local establishment strong and hostile. The brandy is a dividing line. The brandy generates income for the Swedish-speaking upper class and keeps the service people in place. But the evil forces do not only fit into a bottle.

At the same time as the highly appreciated priest, yes the master, must appear to be strong and wise, he wrestles constantly with faith and doubt. At last, Jussi does too. The ambush devil always lurks around the corner, self-righteousness, pride, affectation and selfishness. Niemi's novel is a lesson in social and human knowledge.

One day Laestadius makes a discovery that will unleash a series of fatal events. While out walking, he discovers a pole poking out of the black water on the springy marshland. Shaking it, he realises that the glinting in the sludge is blond human hair. A young maid has gone missing. The villagers are convinced she is the victim of a killer bear, and a bounty is promised to whoever can deliver the beast’s skull. Prejudices surface. Swedish-speaking local powers among the poorer Finnish and Sami-speaking villagers become hostile, wanting to maintain the status quo. Brahe, the local bailiff and Michelsson, his petit constable, are among them. But Laestadius will have none of it; his knowledge of the lie of the land and what grows in it tells him that the killer is two-footed. As the number of suspicious deaths that summer grows, despite the sacrificial slaughter of a pregnant bear, the pastor disregards Brahe and Michelsson’s theories of natural causes, accident or misadventure. Instead, he uses contemporary science in the form of daguerreotypy, fingerprints and botanical knowledge to collect evidence for his own theories. In contrast, the bailiff and constable continue to proffer their out-of-date, evidence-scant verdicts with increasing menace.

What of the bear? Niemi’s titles are inventive, and the bear is a metaphor here. Its body represents evil, one of the novel’s subtexts being how evil arises, how it is manifested and feared. The skull houses the soul. An abhorrent analogy is drawn later when two academics visiting Karesuando during Laestadius’ time there look for Sami crania for research purposes. Boiling a stew is how the drunken bear hunters envisage tasting the meat, while boiling the she-bear’s head is the pastor’s strange instruction to Jussi.

Niemi’s narrative technique is beguiling. The novel falls into four sections, each beginning with a verse. You naturally seek to deduce the author of the verses and whether they are written by the same hand. The first-person narrative is shared by Jussi and, as the book progresses, the pastor. However, an omniscient narrator appears in places to intrigue you further. Whose is this voice, and how are they privy to such information?

More than historical crime fiction, “To Cook a Bear” is a literary novel with crossover points. Niemi’s characterisations are vivid, sharp and credible: these people inhabit your mind long after you have finished the book. A skilled wordsmith and natural writer, Niemi juxtaposes lyrical pastoral beauty with the grotesque and the hideous. He is able to enchant, lull and repulse in equal measure. This is writing that will make you think. The story doesn’t end on the last page...
Marlow

Sport climber
OSLO
Topic Author's Reply - Feb 11, 2019 - 10:16am PT

Origins of Horse Domestication: Botai, Yamnaya, Sintashta
[Click to View YouTube Video]

David Reich: Ancient DNA and the New Science of the Human Past
[Click to View YouTube Video]
Marlow

Sport climber
OSLO
Topic Author's Reply - Feb 12, 2019 - 10:32am PT

Ole Andreas, 99 years old and hunting moose in the forests of Oppland. Norway

[Click to View YouTube Video]
Mighty Hiker

climber
Outside the Asylum
Feb 12, 2019 - 12:04pm PT
hunting Moose

As long as he's not doing it here.
Messages 861 - 880 of total 954 in this topic << First  |  < Previous  |  Show All  |  Next >  |  Last >>
Return to Forum List
 
Our Guidebooks
Check 'em out!
SuperTopo Guidebooks


Try a free sample topo!

 
SuperTopo on the Web

Recent Route Beta